Editorial

The need for public participation, consultation in establishment of State Police

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In the midst of growing consensus and demand for  state police across Nigeria, it is crucial to address  the concerns raised by certain stakeholders  regarding the decentralisation of civil security.

While there are legitimate fears that state governors may misuse their power to oppress political opponents, leading to conflicts over jurisdiction between federal and state police, and exacerbating ethnic divisions and discrimination nationwide, it is reassuring to know that the legislation on state policing can include practical provisions to prevent such abuses.

Recently, President Bola Tinubu and the 36 state governors convened an emergency meeting on February 15 in Abuja, where they agreed to legalise state police through an amendment to the 1999 Constitution, which currently grants exclusive authority to the Federal Government. Building on this momentum, the House of Representatives has initiated legislative work on the bill for state police, spearheaded by Deputy Speaker Benjamin Kalu.

The history of policing in Nigeria experienced its first fracture following the military coup on January 15, 1966, which toppled the civilian government. The coup leaders transformed Nigeria into a unitary state, dismantling the regional policing system established by the British colonialists.

Despite a brief period of civilian rule in 1979, the reintroduction of state police has eluded the political class until now. This moment presents an opportune time to rectify this historical oversight.

During the previous administration of Muhammadu Buhari (2015-2023), security breaches reached alarming levels, prompting the South-West governors to push for the establishment of the Amotekun corps, a modified version of state police.

However, President Buhari and his allies covertly and overtly resisted these efforts. Notably, former Kaduna Central Senatorial District lawmaker, Shehu Sani, has emerged as a prominent opponent of state police, refusing to endorse its establishment.In conclusion, as the clamor for state police intensifies, it is essential to address the concerns raised by skeptics. By incorporating safeguards into the legislation, we can ensure that state governors are prevented from abusing their power.

The time has come to rectify the historical shortcomings and embrace the establishment of state police as a means to enhance security and foster unity in Nigeria.

Southern Kaduna has become a hub of violence, with frequent killings, abductions, and arson by bandits. However, there are concerns that the ruling party in the state will exploit this situation to legitimize thuggery, oppress opposition parties, harass non-indigenous people, and engage in other corrupt activities. This could lead to a power struggle between the federal and state police forces, resulting in anarchy.

These fears are not unfounded, as there have been instances of former governors deploying security agents to target their political opponents, including the author of this argument. Some governors have also influenced the police to arrest journalists and critics on false charges.

This argument is supported by Salihu Yakassai, a politician from the First Republic Northern Elements Progressive Union, and Jubril Ibrahim, a professor of political science. They warn that state policing could lead to the proliferation of firearms, conflicts of interest in the security system, and pose a threat to national unity.Critics also argue that governors would struggle to fund state police.

This viewpoint is shared by Olusola Subair, a retired Assistant Inspector-General of Police, as well as many other retired and serving Nigerian police officers. However, despite these valid concerns, they are not strong enough to dismiss the idea of state policing altogether. The current security system in Nigeria has completely broken down, making it necessary to explore alternative solutions.

Additionally, these counterarguments fail to acknowledge the widespread human rights abuses, extrajudicial killings, extortion, torture, and interference in elections that occur under the Nigeria Police Force. Innocent people are often arrested for simply “wandering,” and many others are subjected to brutal treatment. With only 371,000 police personnel in a country of 220 million people, the shortage of personnel is worsened by the fact that a third of them are deployed for illegal VIP duties. This alone justifies the need for police devolution.

The year 2020 witnessed a wave of protests in Nigeria, known as the #EndSARS movement, which was sparked by the brutal treatment of young people by the police. Amnesty International reported that 15 lives were tragically lost during the attack on defenseless youths at the Lekki Tollgate in Lagos by security agents.

This incident, along with the regular misuse of federal police by governors to suppress opposition and perpetrate heinous acts, highlighted the urgent need for change. One glaring issue that became apparent was the insufficient number of police officers in the country. Many communities were left without adequate police presence, allowing criminals to operate with impunity. The situation was so dire that the Governor of Katsina, Aminu Masari, expressed his dismay, revealing that only 30 police officers were responsible for safeguarding 100 villages in the state.

This lack of security had devastating consequences, as evidenced by the alarming number of lives lost during Tinubu’s first seven months in office and the gruesome Christmas massacres in Plateau State. The mayhem continued to spread, with Katsina, Zamfara, Kaduna, Benue, Niger, and Taraba falling victim to vicious attacks by marauders. Governor Hyacinth Alia of Benue even claimed that foreign herdsmen from Niger Republic had infiltrated the state.

These horrifying statistics only worsened under the leadership of Tinubu’s predecessor, Buhari, with a staggering 63,111 reported killings, according to SBM Intelligence. Former Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo repeatedly advocated for the implementation of state policing, recognizing that law enforcement is a local responsibility.

He emphasised that Nigeria, with its vast size, cannot effectively police the entire country from a centralized location like Abuja. It is perplexing that Nigeria stands alone as the only federal entity in the world without devolved policing. In contrast, all other 24 federal countries have embraced this approach, including Germany, Australia, Brazil, Belgium, Sweden, and Switzerland, where policing is decentralized to regional or state levels.

In light of these circumstances, it is evident that Nigeria must embrace innovative solutions to address the pressing issue of security. Devolving policing powers to the states would not only ensure a more efficient and localized approach but also empower communities to take charge of their own safety. It is time for Nigeria to join the ranks of other federal nations and adopt a progressive and effective system of state policing.

The policing system in Canada consists of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and municipal police forces. The RCMP enforces federal laws and provides policing services in most provinces and territories. Municipalities also have their own police forces. Nigeria should learn from federal countries like Canada and the United Kingdom to improve security.

The issue of jurisdiction and funding should be clearly defined in the law to address concerns. The United States has the Federal Bureau of Investigation, which collaborates with various enforcement agencies to combat crime. Nigeria is facing a security crisis, and establishing state police forces could be a solution.

However, clear guidelines and limitations should be put in place to prevent undue influence. The payment of state police officers should also be taken seriously.

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